Showing posts with label morality. Show all posts
Showing posts with label morality. Show all posts

Wednesday, September 02, 2015

The Arbiter of Righteousness


Governance and the Bible

I was reading an article by Derek Penwell, "9 Arguments From the Bible Fundamentalists Should Have to Make" about conservatives inconsistent use of the Bible to support some of their policies. The basis for the article is, if the support for a ban on same-sex marriage comes from scripture than why isn't the Bible used as the authority for other conservative policies. That naturally leads to a discussion on how to use the Bible in an effort to govern.
 

Controlling The Word

Generally I didn’t take his list as just a simple list of questions but a way to discuss the problem with the concept of picking and choosing which passage to take ‘as gospel’ if you will.  Let’s think back 50 years to when even mixed-race marriages were illegal where the idea same-sex marriage being legal would have been considered outrageous.  Basing the prohibition of same-sex marriage on a literal reading of a given Biblical passage invites the question of why not take the whole book literally, if it so aligns with society’s understanding of right and wrong than why even have a legal code other than the Bible?  Of course I’m being a bit facetious there but it is because I want to take the argument to its logical if extreme conclusion.  This makes it easier to illustrate that if we allow that some passages are not meant to be taken literally but rather as parables then we have to face the issue of selecting a person or group who gets to decide on which portions are to be exalted above the others for such treatment, and woe to those who disagree with their choices.  At the heart of it, the modern movement for Biblical inerrancy, seeing as it has only been around since the late 1800’s, is less about God’s Will than it is about control over God’s Word.  The Roman Catholic Church spent many centuries developing a consistent theology around how to apply the Bible to life on planet Earth, they didn’t attempt in all that time to claim that every single word should be taken literally.  They understood that it was a teaching tool whose power was in making people see how it could be a guide for situations that Abraham, Moses, or Matthew could never have imagined.  Since the Reformation there has been a movement to replace Catholic teachings with Protestant ones, basically an effort to replace Rome as the power deciding what God’s Word means, wishing to usurp the Pope’s theological monopoly.  In the beginning it was done in a piecemeal fashion such as Martin Luther’s Theses nailed to the church door but as each new group wished to separate from those with whom they disagreed they naturally become more and more separated theologically from the teaching of Rome and it would be logical to see how the outcome can be groups that want to disallow any interpretation because it affords too many loopholes for the unrighteous to claim piety while still living a sinful life, thus the only way to insure no interpretation is a literal reading.  There is nothing inherently wrong with a group wanting to adhere to a literal reading but it becomes a problem when that group then wants to claim it is the one true way and wish to enforce their beliefs upon the rest of society, while that is to be expected it does not excuse them from picking and choosing the passages that they want to apply; if the Bible is to be taken literally then it is everything or nothing because once you pick winners and losers you are back to allowing for human interpretation.

 

The Bible and Slavery


I’ll be honest, the Bible’s position on Slavery is one that I really have a hard time with and saying that it doesn’t condone slavery is letting it off the hook.  There are so many places where it is quick to declare sin like eating shellfish or wearing clothes of mixed fibers but there are no qualms about allowing slavery even for the devout.  There is not even a mention such as ‘it is wrong but it happens so live with it’ somewhat like ‘give unto Caesar what is Caesars’.  If you take the Bible literally than the taking of a slave is just as acceptable as forcing a rape victim to marry their rapist.  I find it hard to believe that the author(s) of the Bible would overlook such a fundamental concept when it would have been easy for Jesus to say, “No follower of mine should hold slaves.”  Whenever He spoke, he wasn’t making law but making general claims over the definition of what is right and what is wrong thus it is almost a certainty that no one back then found slavery as a concept to be morally wrong.  He spoke out about the moneylending in the Temple but was silent on slavery.  In all the litany of proscriptions and restrictions slavery is not considered to be something that disqualifies one as righteous, so much so that a claim that the Bible does not condone slavery has such weak supporting evidence as to be non-existent.

 

Righteousness

Slavery can also point out a theological quandary too.  Let’s separate it out this way with a set of statements and questions.
  • The Bible doesn’t declare holding slaves as a sin, thus a righteous man may have slaves.
  • If we believe that the Bible is inerrant than must we also believe that slavery is acceptable to God?
  • Over millennia humanity comes to believe that slavery is wrong.
  • In a country that outlaws slavery can a righteous man have slaves and remain righteous since there is no Biblical prohibition?
  • If it is no longer possible to be considered righteous solely for having slaves than from what authority does righteousness come, and who decides?
  • If the Bible doesn’t claim that slavery is wrong than do we have no authority to claim otherwise?
  • If we conclude that slavery is wrong than how can we claim the Bible is the sole arbiter of righteousness?
  • If we conclude that the Bible is the sole arbiter of righteousness than how do we support a claim that slavery, not being banned by the Bible or otherwise declared sinful, should be outlawed?



And there we have the problem on the horns of a dilemma.

 

Sunday, November 24, 2013

Calvin inKleinAtions

Kelly ponders in his latest, cleverly-named article, Calvin and Hobbes, if the views of sixteenth-century theologian Reformation leader John Calvin toward the poor have infested modern-day America's views of the poor. The implication is, I would think, that those who do not believe government welfare programs are (1) constitutional or (2) proper functions of government do not believe that the poor are worth helping, supporting, etc.

While this proposition is tidy, it is too clever by half and paints a view of the truth both too simple and one-sided. Calvin's theological positions on predestination cannot be used to suggest that Calvin generally blamed the poor for their own plight. While he was a staunch defender of private property as a means for Christians to provide for the needs of themselves and their families, he was just as adamant that Christians should use their earnings over and above their own needs to help the suffering and dispossessed.

In his commentary on Isaiah 58:7 Calvin writes,

Uprightness and righteousness are divided into two parts: first, that we should injury nobody, and second, that we should bestow our wealth and abundance on the poor and needy. And these two ought to be joined together, for it is not enough to abstain from acts of injustice, if you refuse your assistance to the needy, nor will it be of much avail to render your aid to the needy, if at the same time you rob some of that which you bestow on others….

By commanding them to ‘break bread to the hungry’ he intended to take away every excuse from covetous and greedy men, who allege that they have a right to keep possession of that which is their own. ‘This is mine, and therefore I may keep it for myself. Why should I make common property of that which God has given me?’ He replies, ‘It is indeed yours, but on this condition, that you share it with the hungry and thirsty, not that you eat it yourself alone. And indeed this is the dictate of common sense, that the hungry are deprived of their just right if their hunger is not relieved. That sad spectacle extorts compassion even from the cruel and barbarous.

I would submit that Kelly points to a strain in Christian (Protestant) ethics that brings to light a more nuanced difference between liberals and conservatives regarding the role of government in helping the poor. The difference between them is over how to help the poor, not whether to help the poor.

The conservative position draws forth from the old Protestant work ethic that work is a vital expression of service to God and the world and that a person cannot honor who they are in God if they do not contribute to the world through their work. When coupled with the ancient biblical mandate to God's people to make provisions for the poor, we are closer to understanding the conservative position that a man is only whole when he his working in his field of calling (what he was created to do, gifted to do, passionate about, etc) and that the social safety net is there for those who stumble as a temporary hand up to get back on his feet, not a hand out that consigns him to the downward spiral of dependence. This latter destroys a man's (and woman's) sense of self and short-circuits his or her ultimate potential contributions to society. Notice here the importance of the social safety net being provided by civil society, not civil government.

The liberal view that the only way to help the poor is through the government not only works over time to destroy the man and his sense of self and sense of obligation to the community, but it also works over time to destroy the community by creating a permanent underclass of dependence and by diverting the government from its own proper role in providing for the general welfare (the good of society as a whole) and the common defense. The fact that liberals suspect conservatives - or constitutionalists - of not caring for the poor unless they support a myriad of government welfare, wealth distribution programs betrays their own skewed view of government, community and what it means to be human.

Sunday, June 26, 2011

On paradoxes: the mixing up of conservatives and liberals. Or Why the U.S. Can't deal with it's current debt crisis

Current uses of the words "conservative" and "liberal" have nothing to do with their traditional meaning. Well, that is not exactly true. They have, perhaps, too much to do with their traditional meaning given the fact that they seem to mean the same on the surface, but the animating spirit is completely different. Two hundred years ago, liberals believed in moving beyond personal government, in the form of the monarchy, to impersonal government, typically defined as what was then known as republican government. Conservatives sought to use the power of government to maintain the status quo and prop up existing power structures. There was not, however, any disagreement over the nature of man - that he needs restraint - or the proper role of that good government can play.


Over the course of the past one hundred years or so, these definitions were turned on their heads within the American context. Liberals became those who believed in the fundamental goodness of man for whom government could be used to advance the plight of man, and conservatives were those who, in the best spirit of the old Liberals, believed in the original sin of man who needed boundaries and hedges to keep an ordered society, those in government being no different (hence, separation of powers and checks and balances). The conservative commitment to republican values was, at heart, a commitment to the constitutional values that had made the experience of government a successful one, even if inefficient and unwieldy.


Over the past fifteen years, however, a phenomenal and dangerous blurring has occurred. The conservative paradigm has been petrified to the point that government itself is seen as the root of all problems. Rather than a properly-formed government being seen as a barrier against the more destructive inclinations of men, government of any kind is now seen as the barrier to all the good inclinations of men. It's some strange hibrid of the American-liberal vision in the goodness of men and the danger inherent in the original conservative perspective that the government that governs best is the one that rises the boat of the guilded interests. The rallying cry of the day is "No new taxes!"


On the other hand, the liberal paradigm has petrified to believe that government is the source of all goodness and the only savior of humanity. Because people are not to be trusted to conduct their affairs in honorable and virtuous ways, government regulates every possible area of life. Religion is banished from the public square, conviction is seen as the sign of a fanatic, so we are left with the only moral compass available to a society whose only remaining binding institution is the government: a thing must be deemed constitutional before it can be deemed moral. And since the ever-growing government has crowded out all room for virtue and compassion, welfare and social justice must be the business of federal agencies who, ironically, deliver the exact opposite of social security and medicare. It's some strange hibrid of the American-conservative vision in the evil of men and the danger inherent in the original liberal position that the government that governs best is impersonal. The plaintive cry of the day is "If we just spent more..."



These petrifications are racing toward each other over the current debate over whether to raise the federal debt limit and threaten to spectacularly collide with one another. The resulting wreck would have far-reaching consequences for us all, as the federal government's inability to pay its bills will lead to a default on the debt, the ruining of Treasury bills as a safe-haven for investments, and the meltdown of the financial sectors all around the world. This is serious business, and it is long past time for Congressional leaders and the President to come off their respective high-horses and do what is right for the country. A mixture of spending cuts, some tax increases, and more spending cuts will be necessary to fix the country's short-term debt problems. In the longer term, our fixation with debt will only be addressed through readdressing the boundaries of the federal government and reigning its activities back within its constitutionally-prescribed mandates.


The world indeed has been turned on its head.

Tuesday, May 24, 2011

"doing the right thing for the wrong cause"

I read these words this morning, and if I didn't know that they were written in 1919, I'd have thought them written for America today.

 

We can no more subject the world to the English compromise than to the English climate; and both are things of incalculable cloud and twilight. We have grown used to a habit of calling things by the wrong names and supporting them by the wrong arguments; and even doing the right thing for the wrong cause. We have party governments which consist of people who pretend to agree when they really disagree. We have party debates which consist of people who pretend to disagree when they really agree. We have whole parties named after things they no longer support, or things they would never dream of proposing. We have a mass of meaningless parliamentary ceremonials that are no longer even symbolic; the rule by which a parliamentarian possesses a constituency but not a surname; or the rule by which he becomes a minister in order to cease to be a member. All this would seem the most superstitious and idolatrous mummery to the simple worshippers in the shrines of Jerusalem. You may think what they say fantastic, or what they mean fanatical, but they do not say one thing and mean another. The Greek may or may not have a right to say he is Orthodox, but he means that he is Orthodox; in a very different sense from that in which a man supporting a new Home Rule Bill means that he is Unionist. A Moslem would stop the sale of strong drink because he is a Moslem. But he is not quite so muddleheaded as to profess to stop it because he is a Liberal, and a particular supporter of the party of liberty.

--G.K Chesterton, The New Jerusalem, Chapter VII


Originally posted on Wordpress 5/24/2011

Sunday, September 26, 2010

Marriage: social order or individual freedom?

For hundreds of years, human society has ordered itself around the institution of marriage. Men provided safety, security and sustenance for women, women ordered the household so that men could work out in the community, and the home the man and woman built provided the place for children to be raised in accordance with the expectations and standards of the community. Marriage has not been first and foremost about the happiness of the spouses. That has been a byproduct of a husband and wife reaching for their better selves and working together to become more than the sum of their parts, but the primary purpose has been one of social order and securing the propagation of society.


This all started to change in the twentieth century when women in Europe and the United States went into the workforce and changed the balance and characteristic of the home. Then with the advent of birth control and the Supreme Court decisions of the 1960s that institutionalized the right to privacy in the U.S., the link between marriage and the propagation of society was irreparably broken. Marriage was no longer necessarily about social order. The individual happiness of the people in the marriage was the first order concern of the institution. No-fault divorces became the laws of the land in the states, and everyone accepted the new conventional wisdom without much thought as to the ultimate logical conclusion.


So we should not really be surprised that the definition of marriage has been increasingly challenged over the past twenty years, now to the point where it is a question of equality under the Constitution. Of course it has nothing to do with equality because everyone is perfectly free to marry anyone of the opposite sex. Yet the question remains - if marriage is first and foremost about the happiness of the individual and no longer the primary concern of society, then what right does society have to restrict who can and cannot be married? And there you have it - the competing values that are at play in contemporary debates over the definition of marriage.


Those who defend the traditional understanding of marriage between one man and one woman see marriage still as the fundamental bedrock and foundation of society. Social order is protected by marriage, so society has an obvious interest in ensuring its health. Nevertheless, proponents of traditional marriage lost the debate before it really started. Once the link between marriage and propagation was severed in our minds, the primary reason for marriage to serve as a societal institution was lost.


Those who advocate for the expansion of marriage for same sex couples see the purpose of marriage as serving the personal interests and happiness of the parties of the marriage. It is a contract that can be entered and exited when it no longer suits the needs or interests of one of the spouses. Society has no business getting involved; the government should "stay out of the bedroom," etc. Nevertheless, proponents of expanding the definition of marriage, along with all the rest of us, have lost the sense in which society is vested in the health of marriage. The future of humanity is bound up in the institution of marriage, and that fact can't be changed, no matter how hard we try to ignore it.


The currents of history feel like expanding the definition of marriage is inevitable, but even if that plays out, society needs to simultaneously find a way to reunite marriage with childbearing and childrearing. Children with two loving parents who are plugged in and responsible are the best cure to inner city crime and gang activity, suburban drug abuse, and substandard education across the board.


In any case, our fundamental misstep in this debate as a people was to allow the discussion to become federalized. Marriage and family have been regulated by the states since the inception of the Republic, and the federal Constitution delegates no authority to the federal government in the area of marriage. Allowing each state to decide for itself how to order and structure marriage would prevent the mistakes we have made with abortion -- politicizing the issue, removing any room for democracy to drive debate and compromise, and smothering presidential elections with social issues that should not be the concern or purview of the U.S. president.


Are we so afraid of losing control that we can't trust each other to come to the right answers? Is the constant, unending struggle for the political machinery in order to dictate and impose our own beliefs the only resolution to the question? God save us from ourselves if it is. The Founders, once again, knew better.

Wednesday, May 26, 2010

The swine that rushed down a steep place into the sea

After the final episode of Lost, with all of its unsatisfying twists and mysteries, I am more convinced than ever that it spoke to us because it is a reflection of the state of our own souls and, more fully, of our own culture. This state is no better expressed than this brilliant review of the series finale: I once was found, but now I am Lost.


As with everything else the whirlwind of "the West" touches, the thing is turned inside out and the shell of the thing is all that is left, disorientation and confusion riding in the wake. It's not the problem of the East, which is riddled with an eternal changelessness that is more akin to the timelessness of the dead. No, the West is very much alive. Truth be told, it is too much alive, at least alive with the wrong animating spirit, groping for what it does not have, only realizing what it needs after it has lost it.


But whatever it is, it is something that G.K Chesterton diagnosed almost 100 years ago in his book The New Jerusalem. This is a long quote, but it is well worth the insight that is gained:

 

In a word, the modern world will probably end exactly where the Bible begins. In that inevitable setting of spirit against spirit, or god against god, we shall soon be in a position to do more justice not only to the New Testament, but to the Old Testament. Our descendants may very possibly do the very thing we scoff at the old Jews for doing; grope for and cling to their own deity as one rising above rivals who seem to be equally real. They also may feel him not primarily as the sole or even the supreme but only as the best; and have to abide the miracles of ages to prove that he is also the mightiest. For them also he may at first be felt as their own, before he is extended to others; he also, from the collision with colossal idolatries and towering spiritual tyrannies, may emerge only as a God of Battles and a Lord of Hosts. Here between the dark wastes and the clouded mountain was fought out what must seem even to the indifferent a wrestle of giants driving the world out of its course; Jehovah of the mountains casting down Baal of the desert and Dragon of the sea. Here wandered and endured that strange and terrible and tenacious people who held high above all their virtues and their vices one indestructible idea; that they were but the tools in that tremendous hand. Here was the first triumph of those who, in some sense beyond our understanding, had rightly chosen among the powers invisible, and found their choice a great god above all gods. So the future may suffer not from the loss but the multiplicity of faith; and its fate be far more like the cloudy and mythological war in the desert than like the dry radiance of theism or monism. I have said nothing here of my own faith, or of that name on which, I am well persuaded, the world will be most wise to call. But I do believe that the tradition founded in that far tribal battle, in that far Eastern land, did indeed justify itself by leading up to a lasting truth; and that it will once again be justified of all its children. What has survived through an age of atheism as the most indestructible would survive through an age of polytheism as the most indispensable. If among many gods it could not presently be proved to be the strongest, some would still know it was the best. Its central presence would endure through times of cloud and confusion, in which it was judged only as a myth among myths or a man among men. Even the old heathen test of humanity and the apparition of the body, touching which I have quoted the verse about the pagan polytheist as sung by the neo-pagan poet, is a test which that incarnate mystery will abide the best. And however much or little our spiritual inquirers may lift the veil from their invisible kings, they will not find a vision more vivid than a man walking unveiled upon the mountains, seen of men and seeing; a visible god. [The New Jerusalem, end of Ch. 8]


Chesterton continues in Chapter 9:

Going down from Jerusalem to Jericho I was more than once moved by a flippant and possibly profane memory of the swine that rushed down a steep place into the sea. I do not insist on the personal parallel; for whatever my points of resemblance to a pig I am not a flying pig, a pig with wings of speed and precipitancy; and if I am possessed of a devil, it is not the blue devil of suicide. But the phrase came back into my mind because going down to the Dead Sea does really involve rushing down a steep place. Indeed it gives a strange impression that the whole of Palestine is one single steep place. It is as if all other countries lay flat under the sky, but this one country had been tilted sideways. This gigantic gesture of geography or geology, this sweep as of a universal landslide, is the sort of thing that is never conveyed by any maps or books or even pictures. All the pictures of Palestine I have seen are descriptive details, groups of costume or corners of architecture, at most views of famous places; they cannot give the bottomless vision of this long descent. We went in a little rocking Ford car down steep and jagged roads among ribbed and columned cliffs; but the roads below soon failed us altogether; and the car had to tumble like a tank over rocky banks and into empty river-beds, long before it came to the sinister and discoloured landscapes of the Dead Sea. And the distance looks far enough on the map, and seems long enough in the motor journey, to make a man feel he has come to another part of the world; yet so much is it all a single fall of land that even when he gets out beyond Jordan in the wild country of the Shereef he can still look back and see, small and faint as if in the clouds, the spire of the Russian church (I fancy) upon the hill of the Ascension. And though the story of the swine is attached in truth to another place, I was still haunted with its fanciful appropriateness to this one, because of the very steepness of this larger slope and the mystery of that larger sea. I even had the fancy that one might fish for them and find them in such a sea, turned into monsters; sea-swine or four-legged fishes, swollen and with evil eyes, grown over with sea-grass for bristles; the ghosts of Gadara.


And then it came back to me, as a curiosity and almost a coincidence, that the same strange story had actually been selected as the text for the central controversy of the Victorian Age between Christianity and criticism. The two champions were two of the greatest men of the nineteenth century; Huxley representing scientific scepticism and Gladstone scriptural orthodoxy. The scriptural champion was universally regarded as standing for the past, if not for the dead past; and the scientific champion as standing for the future, if not the final judgment of the world. And yet the future has been entirely different to anything that anybody expected; and the final judgment may yet reverse all the conceptions of their contemporaries and even of themselves. The philosophical position now is in a very curious way the contrary of the position then. Gladstone had the worst of the argument, and has been proved right. Huxley had the best of the argument, and has been proved wrong. At any rate he has been ultimately proved wrong about the way the world was going, and the probable position of the next generation. What he thought indisputable is disputed; and what he thought dead is rather too much alive.


Huxley was not only a man of genius in logic and rhetoric; he was a man of a very manly and generous morality. Morally he deserves much more sympathy than many of the mystics who have supplanted him. But they have supplanted him. In the more mental fashions of the day, most of what he thought would stand has fallen, and most of what he thought would fall is standing yet. In the Gadarene controversy with Gladstone, he announced it as his purpose to purge the Christian ideal, which he thought self-evidently sublime, of the Christian demonology, which he thought self-evidently ridiculous. And yet if we take any typical man of the next generation, we shall very probably find Huxley's sublime thing scoffed at, and Huxley's ridiculous thing taken seriously. I imagine a very typical child of the age succeeding Huxley's may be found in Mr. George Moore. He has one of the most critical, appreciative and atmospheric talents of the age. He has lived in most of the sets of the age, and through most of the fashions of the age. He has held, at one time or another, most of the opinions of the age. Above all, he has not only thought for himself, but done it with peculiar pomp and pride; he would consider himself the freest of all freethinkers. Let us take him as a type and a test of what has really happened to Huxley's analysis of the gold and the dross. Huxley quoted as the indestructible ideal the noble passage in Micah, beginning "He hath shewed thee, O man, that which is good"; and asked scornfully whether anybody was ever likely to suggest that justice was worthless or that mercy was unlovable, and whether anything would diminish the distance between ourselves and the ideals that we reverence. And yet already, perhaps, Mr. George Moore was anticipating Nietzsche, sailing near, as he said, "the sunken rocks about the cave of Zarathustra." He said, if I remember right, that Cromwell should be admired for his injustice. He implied that Christ should be condemned, not because he destroyed the swine, but because he delivered the sick. In short he found justice quite worthless and mercy quite unlovable; and as for humility and the distance between himself and his ideals, he seemed rather to suggest (at this time at least) that his somewhat varying ideals were only interesting because they had belonged to himself. Some of this, it is true, was only in the _Confessions of a Young Man_; but it is the whole point here that they were then the confessions of a young man, and that Huxley's in comparison were the confessions of an old man. The trend of the new time, in very varying degrees, was tending to undermine, not merely the Christian demonology, not merely the Christian theology, not merely the Christian religion, but definitely the Christian ethical ideal, which had seemed to the great agnostic as secure as the stars.


But while the world was mocking the morality he had assumed, it was bringing back the mysticism he had mocked. The next phase of Mr. George Moore himself, whom I have taken as a type of the time, was the serious and sympathetic consideration of Irish mysticism, as embodied in Mr. W. B. Yeats. I have myself heard Mr. Yeats, about that time, tell a story, to illustrate how concrete and even comic is the reality of the supernatural, saying that he knew a farmer whom the fairies had dragged out of bed and beaten. Now suppose Mr. Yeats had told Mr. Moore, then moving in this glamorous atmosphere, another story of the same sort. Suppose he had said that the farmer's pigs had fallen under the displeasure of some magician of the sort he celebrates, who had conjured bad fairies into the quadrupeds, so that they went in a wild dance down to the village pond. Would Mr. Moore have thought that story any more incredible than the other? Would he have thought it worse than a thousand other things that a modern mystic may lawfully believe? Would he have risen to his feet and told Mr. Yeats that all was over between them? Not a bit of it. He would at least have listened with a serious, nay, a solemn face. He would think it a grim little grotesque of rustic diablerie, a quaint tale of goblins, neither less nor more improbable than hundreds of psychic fantasies or farces for which there is really a good deal of evidence. He would be ready to entertain the idea if he found it anywhere except in the New Testament. As for the more vulgar and universal fashions that have followed after the Celtic movement, they have left such trifles far behind. And they have been directed not by imaginative artists like Mr. Yeats or even Mr. Moore, but by solid scientific students like Sir William Crookes and Sir Arthur Conan Doyle. I find it easier to imagine an evil spirit agitating the legs of a pig than a good spirit agitating the legs of a table. But I will not here enter into the argument, since I am only trying to describe the atmosphere. Whatever has happened in more recent years, what Huxley expected has certainly not happened. There has been a revolt against Christian morality, and where there has not been a return of Christian mysticism, it has been a return of the mysticism without the Christianity. Mysticism itself has returned, with all its moons and twilights, its talismans and spells. Mysticism itself has returned, and brought with it seven devils worse than itself.


But the scientific coincidence is even more strict and close. It affects not only the general question of miracles, but the particular question of possession. This is the very last element in the Christian story that would ever have been selected by the enlightened Christian apologist. Gladstone would defend it, but he would not go out of his way to dwell on it. It is an excellent working model of what I mean by finding an unexpected support, and finding it in an unexpected quarter. It is not theological but psychological study that has brought us back into this dark underworld of the soul, where even identity seems to dissolve or divide, and men are not even themselves. I do not say that psychologists admit the discovery of demoniacs; and if they did they would doubtless call them something else, such as demono-maniacs. But they admit things which seem almost as near to a new supernaturalism, and things quite as incredible to the old rationalism. Dual personality is not so very far from diabolic possession. And if the dogma of subconsciousness allows of agnosticism, the agnosticism cuts both ways. A man cannot say there is a part of him of which he is quite unconscious, and only conscious that it is not in contact with the unknown. He cannot say there is a sealed chamber or cellar under his house, of which he knows nothing whatever; but that he is quite certain that it cannot have an underground passage leading anywhere else in the world. He cannot say he knows nothing whatever about its size or shape or appearance, except that it certainly does not contain a relic of the finger-joint of St. Catherine of Alexandria, or that it certainly is not haunted by the ghost of King Herod Agrippa. If there is any sort of legend or tradition or plausible probability which says that it is, he cannot call a thing impossible where he is not only ignorant but even unconscious. It comes back therefore to the same reality, that the old compact cosmos depended on a compact consciousness. If we are dealing with unknown quantities, we cannot deny their connection with other unknown quantities. If I have a self of which I can say nothing, how can I even say that it is my own self? How can I even say that I always had it, or that it did not come from somewhere else? It is clear that we are in very deep waters, whether or no we have rushed down a steep place to fall into them.


It will be noted that what we really lack here is not the supernatural but only the healthy supernatural. It is not the miracle, but only the miracle of healing. I warmly sympathise with those who think most of this rather morbid, and nearer the diabolic than the divine, but to call a thing diabolic is hardly an argument against the existence of diabolism. It is still more clearly the case when we go outside the sphere of science into its penumbra in literature and conversation.


There is a mass of fiction and fashionable talk of which it may truly be said, that what we miss in it is not demons but the power to cast them out. It combines the occult with the obscene; the sensuality of materialism with the insanity of spiritualism. In the story of Gadara we have left out nothing except the Redeemer, we have kept the devils and the swine.

 

Wednesday, April 28, 2010

The morality of fairy-tales

If you really read the fairy-tales, you will observe that one idea runs from one end of them to the other—the idea that peace and happiness can only exist on some condition. This idea, which is the core of ethics, is the core of the nursery-tales. The whole happiness of fairyland hangs upon a thread, upon one thread. Cinderella may have a dress woven on supernatural looms and blazing with unearthly brilliance; but she must be back when the clock strikes twelve. The king may invite fairies to the christening, but he must invite all the fairies or frightful results will follow. Bluebeard's wife may open all doors but one. A promise is broken to a cat, and the whole world goes wrong. A promise is broken to a yellow dwarf, and the whole world goes wrong. A girl may be the bride of the God of Love himself if she never tries to see him; she sees him, and he vanishes away. A girl is given a box on condition she does not open it; she opens it, and all the evils of this world rush out at her. A man and woman are put in a garden on condition that they do not eat one fruit: they eat it, and lose their joy in all the fruits of the earth.


--G.K. Chesterton, "All Things Considered"

The morality of fairy-tales

If you really read the fairy-tales, you will observe that one idea runs from one end of them to the other—the idea that peace and happiness can only exist on some condition. This idea, which is the core of ethics, is the core of the nursery-tales. The whole happiness of fairyland hangs upon a thread, upon one thread. Cinderella may have a dress woven on supernatural looms and blazing with unearthly brilliance; but she must be back when the clock strikes twelve. The king may invite fairies to the christening, but he must invite all the fairies or frightful results will follow. Bluebeard’s wife may open all doors but one. A promise is broken to a cat, and the whole world goes wrong. A promise is broken to a yellow dwarf, and the whole world goes wrong. A girl may be the bride of the God of Love himself if she never tries to see him; she sees him, and he vanishes away. A girl is given a box on condition she does not open it; she opens it, and all the evils of this world rush out at her. A man and woman are put in a garden on condition that they do not eat one fruit: they eat it, and lose their joy in all the fruits of the earth.

–-G.K. Chesterton, All Things Considered

Wednesday, April 21, 2010

Who's the conservative now?

Current uses of the words "conservative" and "liberal" have nothing to do with their traditional meaning. Well, that is not exactly true. They have, perhaps, too much to do with their traditional meaning given the fact that they seem to mean the same on the surface, but the animating spirit is completely different. Two hundred years ago, liberals believed in moving beyond personal government, in the form of the monarchy, to impersonal government, typically defined as what was then known as republican government. Conservatives sought to use the power of government to maintain the status quo and prop up existing power structures. There was not, however, any disagreement over the nature of man - that he needs restraint - or the proper role of that good government can play.

Over the course of the past one hundred years or so, these definitions were turned on their heads within the American context. Liberals became those who believed in the fundamental goodness of man for whom government could be used to advance the plight of man, and conservatives were those who, in the best spirit of the old Liberals, believed in the original sin of man who needed boundaries and hedges to keep an ordered society, those in government being no different (hence, separation of powers and checks and balances). The conservative commitment to republican values was, at heart, a commitment to the constitutional values that had made the experience of government a successful one, even if inefficient and unwieldy.

Over the past fifteen years, however, a phenomenal and dangerous blurring has occurred. The conservative paradigm has been petrified to the point that government itself is seen as the root of all problems. Rather than a properly-formed government being seen as a barrier against the more destructive inclinations of men, government of any kind is now seen as the barrier to all the good inclinations of men. It's some strange hibrid of the American-liberal vision in the goodness of men and the danger inherent in the original conservative perspective that the government that governs best is the one that rises the boat of the guilded interests. The rallying cry of the day is "No new taxes!"

On the other hand, the liberal paradigm has petrified to believe that government is the source of all goodness and the only savior of humanity. Because people are not to be trusted to conduct their affairs in honorable and virtuous ways, government regulates every possible area of life. Religion is banished from the public square, conviction is seen as the sign of a fanatic, so we are left with the only moral compass available to a society whose only remaining binding institution is the government: a thing must be deemed constitutional before it can be deemed moral. And since the ever-growing government has crowded out all room for virtue and compassion, welfare and social justice must be the business of federal agencies who, ironically, deliver the exact opposite of social security and medicare. It's some strange hibrid of the American-conservative vision in the evil of men and the danger inherent in the original liberal position that the government that governs best is impersonal. The plaintive cry of the day is "If we just spent more..."

I generally fancy myself a Constitutionalist, in an attempt to identify with the values of the eighteenth-century liberal and the twentieth-century conservative. But this week I am a Democrat as the Senate is taking up financial regulatory reform. I have to wonder if the Republican Party has completely lost its mind with its opposition to the severely anemic bill introduced by Senator Dodd. I can only hope that Senator Lincoln's bill will receive enough support for its main provisions to be adopted in any compromise bill the Senate crafts.

Even the sorriest of attempts to put some rules around the derivative trading and overleverage that led the U.S. economy into the worst recession since the 1930's is met with opposition by the Party that is supposed to believe that man requires boundaries and hedges to prevent him from doing his worst. Rather, we see the Republican lack of trust in government extending to functions that once received near unanimous agreement as fundamentally governmental. I see this as somewhat ironic, since the Bush Administration's (apparent) trust in government extended to functions that once received near unanimous agreement as fundamentally off-limits to government.

The world indeed has been turned on its head.

Monday, February 15, 2010

The connection between evil acts of a country and the responsibilities of its leaders

Revered computer scientist Donald Knuth has a page on "Infrequently Asked Questions". (http://www-cs-faculty.stanford.edu/~uno/iaq.html) and questions #4 and #5 do a good job of bringing up the issue of the moral responsibility a country's leaders have to its citizens.

I don't have any answers to his questions but would to avoid discussing them can't help but to implicitly spread the guilt around among the willfully silent.

It's a question for the ages, what does a society do when its leadership commits hubris? 

Wednesday, July 08, 2009

Women as Objects... to fear

The New Statesman has a review on the historical treatment of women http://www.newstatesman.com/books/2009/07/women-god-stangroom-benson

For a long time now, I've wondered where society got the mores around it's treatment of women. The link above makes the case for a historical basis. Most holy books are fairly blunt about their consideration of women as second class citizens which only explains how the misogyny has sustained itself. Islam being one of the most often cited case, it is easy to begin a rational examination of their treatment of women.

Expecting women to cover their bodies is a way for cultures to enforce a collective sense of modesty. What is more surprising is when this is taken to an extreme like not allowing women to drive, talk to unrelated men, or go out in public at all. The justification of these rules are described as being protective of the women themselves, the implication being that they could be attacked or even raped for example if seen in public with exposed hair. Women who flaunt societies rules are made acutely aware that they are in danger and the rules are for their own safety. What is interesting about this is not the admission that women can have a strong affect on men but the abdication of responsibility on the part of those men to control their animal desires. Basically, men can not control themselves so it must be the moral duty of women not to tempt men. This seems so simple but when you start examining some of the extreme punishments meted out, it is easy to conclude that society that codified the rules is actually afraid of women and seek to control them. Readers of this piece are sure to recognize the link between Eve as a symbol of the downfall of Man and Man's desire to prevent that from happening in _our_ neighborhood.

This is a case of a cult-of-morality influencing what society considers right or just based on historical traditions. Shine the light of rationality upon the situation and the adherents quickly shield themselves from culpability with statements like, "That is how we've always done it." or "It's in the Bible". Strict constructionists (or "literalists" if you will) may keep to the high-road using that tactic as long as they are consistent with the rest of their Holy Book but what of the rest? Are they claiming that they should treat women like chattel for no other reason then because their fathers and grandfathers did so? This is no more than a belief of convenience, inculcated through long practice and by wide acceptance. It can be boiled down to "But everyone else does it" which doesn't fly with a father listening to son or daughter who wants to do something foolish with their friends so why should it fly with us now? I'll tell you why, because humans are born with a mechanism which bonds them strongly to the behavior they see in the individuals around them. It's called "The Mirror Neuron" and it what allows us to learn by watching and elevates us above all the other species. The downside of this boon is that we have a physiological drive to accept the behavior we see around us and to mimic that behavior.

One of the principles of The Governance Imperative that has driven mankind from its early days is to bring a measure of control and consistency to our interactions. Tyrants, Kings, and Emperors can all rule effectively but the price is capriciousness and justice as defined by one man. As we sought a way to check the abuse of power, to eliminate rule-by-whimsy, and seek maximum justice for the maximum number of people, we developed institutions, like the independent judiciary or trial by jury, which insulate us from the worst of mankind. For all our modern sense of self-righteousness we can never forget that those behaviors are never banished but always lurking, waiting for a chance to exert control once again. Our duty then is to acknowledge, which does not mean blindly accept, those darker instincts that are a part of what makes us human; using knowledge as a shield against the beasts that dwell in the dark recesses of the human soul, guarding the light of civilization against our own self-destructiveness.

The treatment of women is still a shadow upon the soul of man, a remnant of the times when men sought scapegoats for their own behaviors.

Thursday, May 28, 2009

Our Brothers' Keepers

Once, during a discussion about abortion, I made the argument that if we allow the government to tell citizens that they can not abort a pregnancy, philosophically it was similar to allowing the government the power to tell citizens that they must abort a pregnancy. Needless to say, that discussion did not resolve the issue; we'll probably eradicate world hunger or achieve world peace first.

In reexamining this argument, I wondered how easy it would be to reword a given prohibition to reverse the wording while keeping the dictate intact. For instance if we passed a law stating "No citizen shall be allowed to abort a pregnancy"; assume for the sake of argument that we've already agreed on the definition of the term abortion. The exact procedures are moot because we want to focus on the wording of the prohibition and not on the technicalities of the definitions or shades of grey. Picking abortion is done solely to start with an issue that is easily construed in terms of black and white.

If the law says, "You shall not abort" it could just as easily have been written as "You shall carry to term regardless". So even though the wording only states an action which can not be taken, it implicitly mandates the opposite action.

China already condones abortion through euphemistically named "One Child" policy. While China does not officially force abortions, there continue to be reports nonetheless. "You shall have up to one child" turns into "You shall not have more than one child".

Using another example, capital punishment, we could conceive of a law which says, "Thou Shall Not Kill" it implicitly demands "Thou Shall Protect Life". A capital punishment law which allows the State to kill someone could state "Causing the death of a person (through means described as "In the first degree") is punishable by death" is effectively saying, "The State shall kill those who commit first degree murder." If we really believe in the principle of "Thou shall not kill" then capital punishment must by necessity claim an exception in the definition of what the term 'kill' means. Killing usually means ending a living persons life. Allowing the State the power to define exceptions makes the commandment not to kill into a morally relative value "Thou shall not kill... unless the State says it's ok" which could include self-defense, war, defense of others, or the state ordering the killing of a citizen which it feels is deserving of the ultimate punishment. One counter argument has been "they don't deserve to live" or "they lost their right to life when they took another's". If I don't deserve to live, then I deserve to die. If a State uses it's sovereign power to execute someone unjustly, upon whose soul does the responsibility for a wrongful death rest? Since a State does not have a soul in and of itself, then evil done by the State must then be shared by the people of that State, unless it can be determined to have a singular responsible ruler, a 'Unitary Executive' if you will. If the State can not be held responsible for it's own moral failings, then that leaves the people who actually carry out the misdeeds. The hooded executioner,for example, who either cares not about such metaphysical questions or uses their faith in the infallibility of their leaders judgement as a shield against the possibility of personal guilt.


"Thou shall not covet" (stealing is illegal) becomes "Thou shall be content with what you have and your opportunities to change what you have." (No short-cuts to wealth, only follow the culturally acceptable avenues." Of course I'm paraphrasing here but I'm wandering through examples, trying them on for size to see whether there is an example which disproves the idea.

Summary: You must do X is equivalent to You shall not do non-X, or You must not do X becomes You must do non-X.

In programming-speak, (X == true) is the same as (X != false) .

Tuesday, April 21, 2009

Thinking About Torture

Damon Linker at The New Republic has an insightful piece entitled Thinking About Torture. He gives expression to many of the thoughts that I have been struggling with around this topic - the fundamental belief that torture is wrong, but burdened with a nagging wonder about the extreme case of existential threat. Over the past seven years, the debate has been overly simplistic and polemic on both sides.


I've pondered for years what to say about the Bush administration's use of torture in the years after 9/11. So far I've remained quiet about the issue because I'm so uneasy about it -- not just about what the United States has done, but also about the reactions of nearly everyone who has commented on it.


Linker looks for guidance in this issue from Leo Strauss, author of Natural Rights and History, as the thinker who "is strongest in discussing what he called the 'permanent problems' of politics."


Under normal circumstances, the two parts of political morality cohere enough that the tensions between them rarely show themselves. But in extreme situations -- situations in which (in Strauss's words) "the very existence or independence of a society is at stake" -- there may be "conflicts between what the self-preservation of society requires and the requirements of commutative and distributive justice. In such situations, and only in such situations, it can justly be said that the public safety is the highest law."


I think, however, that the Bush Administration's downfall, and the inherent danger their course of action posed, was in its secrecy. "Executive privilege" and making decisions behind closed doors for reasons of "national security" are the watch words and cloak of every tyrant and imperial power in world history. Liberty and freedom flourish in the fresh air of the open daylight, so if a policy of torture is required for the self-preservation of society, then that is a discussion that the Bush Administration should have taken to Congress so that an open debate could have ensued. The few are not competent to decide for society if such extreme measures are required. The society in whose name the Government is asking to be able to commit such acts should have the right and obligation to authorize their use.

Everyone could have taken part in the conversation and we could have avoided all of the the Monday-morning quarterbacking we see going on now on "a bright, sunny, safe day in April 2009" -- as Director of National Intelligence, Dennis Blair, has put it. After the proper hearings and investigations, Congress could have made an informed decision to amend the law. The CIA could have then remained in the bounds of the law as they did what they needed to do, and field agents would now not be worrying if politics will drive their prosecution, after previous OLC assurances that they were acting legally. In addition, if walking into such dark territory is required, leaders are less apt to let the power go to their heads if they are being watched by society and Congress.

Bush Administration defenders will undoubtedly say that we would have had no time for a debate in the aftermath of 9/11 or that such a discussion would have tipped our hand to our enemies. But according to reports, the Government did not begin exploring "harsh interrogations techniques" until well into 2002. That would have given us several weeks (or months) to have this conversation. And even is the Administration needed to have more latitude more quickly, constitutional principles do not change just because they become inconvenient. Besides, Congress has shown it can work with speed in cases of national emergency. FDR received a declaration of war against Japan on the same day as the attack on Pearl Harbor. After 9/11, Congress passed the Authorization for Use of Force Resolution within three days. And if the United States had published such a policy change with the full support of the U.S. Congress (the representatives of the American people), then it would have undoubtedly worked to our advantage to strike fear in the hearts of al-Qaeda.

In the end, such an approach would have allowed America to head into the ugly days ahead with our eyes wide open, and no one would have been able to claim innocence or ignorance. It is all too easy to cry for the hides of those who kept us safe when we can claim blissful ignorance, even if that ignorance was willful at the time.

Wednesday, April 08, 2009

Bonhoeffer on Bush

Dietrich Bonhoeffer, in his writings published as "Letters and Papers From Prison", provides mankind with a strong statement on morality and the relationship between a citizen and the State. While Germany was under Hitler's grip, there were well educated men who understood that their duty was to follow orders, unlike Bonhoeffer who understood that to allow an evil to be committed was morally the same as to commit the evil yourself. We can't blame this divide on education or its lack. Otto Thorbeck, the judge over Bonhoeffer's trial, had the same classical education as Bonhoeffer; studying Antigone, Iliad, The Oddyssy, and The Bible. Works which provide guidance as to the meaning of good vs evil, justice, wisdom, and duty. If you don't believe in absolute good or evil, you could easily make the case that it is permissible to act in a normally unjust manner when the circumstances permit, that enacting the injustice on the orders of others does not sully ones own soul, or in other words sometimes it's ok to kill.

Bonhoeffer suffered the punishment of the State rather than acquiesce to the idea that the State is the arbiter of what is Absolutely Good or Absolutely Evil. If the State says that a prisoner is a traitor and needs to be sentenced to death, it isn't the individual's place to disagree. That is what Thorbeck believed, he was just doing his duty. Bonhoeffer didn't have to be imprisoned but faced certain persecution with the conviction that what Germany was doing was wrong and to not speak or act out would be equally wrong of him, a sin of omission.

So, what questions does this pose?

- Whose place is it to determine what is good or evil?
- Does a State have a soul? a conscience?
- If a State is soulless, upon whose soul falls the burden of evil acts done in the State name?
- If an action is evil when committed by an individual, can a State, on its own authority, declare that act to be just and legal when done in the State's name?
- When is it the duty of a Citizen to disobey the State?
- How should we feel about a society that allows the State to commit evil acts?

I expect to follow this piece with others where the lessons of various books that have made history can teach us about life in the modern age. Next would be Homer's Iliad.