Showing posts with label quotable. Show all posts
Showing posts with label quotable. Show all posts

Saturday, November 23, 2013

Groupthink

"In the United States, the majority takes charge of furnishing individuals with a host of ready-made options, and it thus relieves them of the obligation to form their own. There are a great number of theories on matters of philosophy, morality or politics that everyone thus adopts without examination, on the faith of the public; and if one looks very closely one will see that religions itself reigns there much less as revealed doctrine than as common opinion."

--Tocqueville

Tuesday, August 02, 2011

Liberty's call: messy and the stuff of life

Our Consolation must be this, my dear, that Cities may be rebuilt, and a People reduced to Poverty, may acquire fresh Property: But a Constitution of Government once changed from Freedom, can never be restored. Liberty once lost is lost forever.

--John Adams

Regarding the siege of Boston; Letter to Abigail Adams - Philadelphia [July 7th, 1775]


I am for a government rigorously frugal and simple, applying all the possible savings of the public revenue to the discharge of the national debt; and not for a multiplication of officers and salaries merely to make partisans, and for increasing by every device the public debt on the principle of its being a public blessing.

--Thomas Jefferson

Letter to Elbridge Gerry (statesman and diplomat) [1799]


Democracy is messy business because humans are messy. We hear continued lamentations over how antiquated our Constitution is (although it was good enough to rise up the most powerful and prosperous nation in history) and how dysfunctional our Congress is, yet somehow we continue to govern ourselves in freedom and respect for the law. We have seen compromise win out time and again over the past ten years, in this time of supposed hyper-partisanship and "extremists" of each Party acting as terrorists (Biden's words, not mine). The debt ceiling / deficit reduction compromise is the latest case in point. It is by no means perfect, but no compromise is. No one likes it, because every side had to give up something they desperately believe in. And it is only the first step in a very painful and protracted journey to get our financial house in order. But none of this changes the fact that our Constitution and, even if somewhat belatedly, Congress works as designed (or amended - see Repeal the Seventeenth Amendment).


If the federal government's spending spree of the past ten years (and, truth be told, of the past fifty) proves anything about our Constitution, it's not how antiquated it is. The lesson to be drawn, to those with eyes to see past their own petty paradigms and presumptions, is just how right the Founding Fathers were and how relevant their counsel still is. The Constitution in Article 1, Section 8 lays out the parameters of federal power, and the specifics were limited in their application to the whole (through the general welfare clause) so that Congressmen could not play favoritism. It is our excursions beyond the bounds of the Constitution that have gotten us into financial trouble:


  • Social Security
  • Medicare / Medicaid / Universal health care
  • The Department of Education / No Child Left Behind
  • The Department of Energy


These behemoth social welfare programs have squeezed our spending for the business the federal government should be about according to the Constitution:


  • Defense
  • Regulation of interstate commerce
  • International affairs
  • Scientific exploration
  • The Post Office (and, by extension of the principle, building out and supporting the interstate infrastructure)


We have strayed from the Constitution's bounds, but it still provides the governing superstructure for us to successfully resolve our differences in a peaceful way. The fact that our political process has become more slow and more prone to gridlock is indicative only of the many different areas of governance that Congress has stuck its nose in over the years that cannot be managed on such a large level. Regulation, the police power, health care, education - these are matters for the states because these are the things people are most passionate about. These are the things that impact their lives most day-to-day and the need for decision-makers to be close to the people is real. Also, these are areas where people with different worldviews (metanarratives) most violently disagree, so providing options among states is important. If people don't like what one state is doing, they can fairly easily move to other states. It is easier to gain consensus and move into action at the state level. The machinery is more nimble and smaller scale.


The scale of the federal government is needed on matters of collective, continental interest.


To adapt the famous Chesterton quote from its original Christian context: the Constitution has not been tried and found wanting; it has been found difficult and not tried.


 

 

Wednesday, May 26, 2010

The swine that rushed down a steep place into the sea

After the final episode of Lost, with all of its unsatisfying twists and mysteries, I am more convinced than ever that it spoke to us because it is a reflection of the state of our own souls and, more fully, of our own culture. This state is no better expressed than this brilliant review of the series finale: I once was found, but now I am Lost.


As with everything else the whirlwind of "the West" touches, the thing is turned inside out and the shell of the thing is all that is left, disorientation and confusion riding in the wake. It's not the problem of the East, which is riddled with an eternal changelessness that is more akin to the timelessness of the dead. No, the West is very much alive. Truth be told, it is too much alive, at least alive with the wrong animating spirit, groping for what it does not have, only realizing what it needs after it has lost it.


But whatever it is, it is something that G.K Chesterton diagnosed almost 100 years ago in his book The New Jerusalem. This is a long quote, but it is well worth the insight that is gained:

 

In a word, the modern world will probably end exactly where the Bible begins. In that inevitable setting of spirit against spirit, or god against god, we shall soon be in a position to do more justice not only to the New Testament, but to the Old Testament. Our descendants may very possibly do the very thing we scoff at the old Jews for doing; grope for and cling to their own deity as one rising above rivals who seem to be equally real. They also may feel him not primarily as the sole or even the supreme but only as the best; and have to abide the miracles of ages to prove that he is also the mightiest. For them also he may at first be felt as their own, before he is extended to others; he also, from the collision with colossal idolatries and towering spiritual tyrannies, may emerge only as a God of Battles and a Lord of Hosts. Here between the dark wastes and the clouded mountain was fought out what must seem even to the indifferent a wrestle of giants driving the world out of its course; Jehovah of the mountains casting down Baal of the desert and Dragon of the sea. Here wandered and endured that strange and terrible and tenacious people who held high above all their virtues and their vices one indestructible idea; that they were but the tools in that tremendous hand. Here was the first triumph of those who, in some sense beyond our understanding, had rightly chosen among the powers invisible, and found their choice a great god above all gods. So the future may suffer not from the loss but the multiplicity of faith; and its fate be far more like the cloudy and mythological war in the desert than like the dry radiance of theism or monism. I have said nothing here of my own faith, or of that name on which, I am well persuaded, the world will be most wise to call. But I do believe that the tradition founded in that far tribal battle, in that far Eastern land, did indeed justify itself by leading up to a lasting truth; and that it will once again be justified of all its children. What has survived through an age of atheism as the most indestructible would survive through an age of polytheism as the most indispensable. If among many gods it could not presently be proved to be the strongest, some would still know it was the best. Its central presence would endure through times of cloud and confusion, in which it was judged only as a myth among myths or a man among men. Even the old heathen test of humanity and the apparition of the body, touching which I have quoted the verse about the pagan polytheist as sung by the neo-pagan poet, is a test which that incarnate mystery will abide the best. And however much or little our spiritual inquirers may lift the veil from their invisible kings, they will not find a vision more vivid than a man walking unveiled upon the mountains, seen of men and seeing; a visible god. [The New Jerusalem, end of Ch. 8]


Chesterton continues in Chapter 9:

Going down from Jerusalem to Jericho I was more than once moved by a flippant and possibly profane memory of the swine that rushed down a steep place into the sea. I do not insist on the personal parallel; for whatever my points of resemblance to a pig I am not a flying pig, a pig with wings of speed and precipitancy; and if I am possessed of a devil, it is not the blue devil of suicide. But the phrase came back into my mind because going down to the Dead Sea does really involve rushing down a steep place. Indeed it gives a strange impression that the whole of Palestine is one single steep place. It is as if all other countries lay flat under the sky, but this one country had been tilted sideways. This gigantic gesture of geography or geology, this sweep as of a universal landslide, is the sort of thing that is never conveyed by any maps or books or even pictures. All the pictures of Palestine I have seen are descriptive details, groups of costume or corners of architecture, at most views of famous places; they cannot give the bottomless vision of this long descent. We went in a little rocking Ford car down steep and jagged roads among ribbed and columned cliffs; but the roads below soon failed us altogether; and the car had to tumble like a tank over rocky banks and into empty river-beds, long before it came to the sinister and discoloured landscapes of the Dead Sea. And the distance looks far enough on the map, and seems long enough in the motor journey, to make a man feel he has come to another part of the world; yet so much is it all a single fall of land that even when he gets out beyond Jordan in the wild country of the Shereef he can still look back and see, small and faint as if in the clouds, the spire of the Russian church (I fancy) upon the hill of the Ascension. And though the story of the swine is attached in truth to another place, I was still haunted with its fanciful appropriateness to this one, because of the very steepness of this larger slope and the mystery of that larger sea. I even had the fancy that one might fish for them and find them in such a sea, turned into monsters; sea-swine or four-legged fishes, swollen and with evil eyes, grown over with sea-grass for bristles; the ghosts of Gadara.


And then it came back to me, as a curiosity and almost a coincidence, that the same strange story had actually been selected as the text for the central controversy of the Victorian Age between Christianity and criticism. The two champions were two of the greatest men of the nineteenth century; Huxley representing scientific scepticism and Gladstone scriptural orthodoxy. The scriptural champion was universally regarded as standing for the past, if not for the dead past; and the scientific champion as standing for the future, if not the final judgment of the world. And yet the future has been entirely different to anything that anybody expected; and the final judgment may yet reverse all the conceptions of their contemporaries and even of themselves. The philosophical position now is in a very curious way the contrary of the position then. Gladstone had the worst of the argument, and has been proved right. Huxley had the best of the argument, and has been proved wrong. At any rate he has been ultimately proved wrong about the way the world was going, and the probable position of the next generation. What he thought indisputable is disputed; and what he thought dead is rather too much alive.


Huxley was not only a man of genius in logic and rhetoric; he was a man of a very manly and generous morality. Morally he deserves much more sympathy than many of the mystics who have supplanted him. But they have supplanted him. In the more mental fashions of the day, most of what he thought would stand has fallen, and most of what he thought would fall is standing yet. In the Gadarene controversy with Gladstone, he announced it as his purpose to purge the Christian ideal, which he thought self-evidently sublime, of the Christian demonology, which he thought self-evidently ridiculous. And yet if we take any typical man of the next generation, we shall very probably find Huxley's sublime thing scoffed at, and Huxley's ridiculous thing taken seriously. I imagine a very typical child of the age succeeding Huxley's may be found in Mr. George Moore. He has one of the most critical, appreciative and atmospheric talents of the age. He has lived in most of the sets of the age, and through most of the fashions of the age. He has held, at one time or another, most of the opinions of the age. Above all, he has not only thought for himself, but done it with peculiar pomp and pride; he would consider himself the freest of all freethinkers. Let us take him as a type and a test of what has really happened to Huxley's analysis of the gold and the dross. Huxley quoted as the indestructible ideal the noble passage in Micah, beginning "He hath shewed thee, O man, that which is good"; and asked scornfully whether anybody was ever likely to suggest that justice was worthless or that mercy was unlovable, and whether anything would diminish the distance between ourselves and the ideals that we reverence. And yet already, perhaps, Mr. George Moore was anticipating Nietzsche, sailing near, as he said, "the sunken rocks about the cave of Zarathustra." He said, if I remember right, that Cromwell should be admired for his injustice. He implied that Christ should be condemned, not because he destroyed the swine, but because he delivered the sick. In short he found justice quite worthless and mercy quite unlovable; and as for humility and the distance between himself and his ideals, he seemed rather to suggest (at this time at least) that his somewhat varying ideals were only interesting because they had belonged to himself. Some of this, it is true, was only in the _Confessions of a Young Man_; but it is the whole point here that they were then the confessions of a young man, and that Huxley's in comparison were the confessions of an old man. The trend of the new time, in very varying degrees, was tending to undermine, not merely the Christian demonology, not merely the Christian theology, not merely the Christian religion, but definitely the Christian ethical ideal, which had seemed to the great agnostic as secure as the stars.


But while the world was mocking the morality he had assumed, it was bringing back the mysticism he had mocked. The next phase of Mr. George Moore himself, whom I have taken as a type of the time, was the serious and sympathetic consideration of Irish mysticism, as embodied in Mr. W. B. Yeats. I have myself heard Mr. Yeats, about that time, tell a story, to illustrate how concrete and even comic is the reality of the supernatural, saying that he knew a farmer whom the fairies had dragged out of bed and beaten. Now suppose Mr. Yeats had told Mr. Moore, then moving in this glamorous atmosphere, another story of the same sort. Suppose he had said that the farmer's pigs had fallen under the displeasure of some magician of the sort he celebrates, who had conjured bad fairies into the quadrupeds, so that they went in a wild dance down to the village pond. Would Mr. Moore have thought that story any more incredible than the other? Would he have thought it worse than a thousand other things that a modern mystic may lawfully believe? Would he have risen to his feet and told Mr. Yeats that all was over between them? Not a bit of it. He would at least have listened with a serious, nay, a solemn face. He would think it a grim little grotesque of rustic diablerie, a quaint tale of goblins, neither less nor more improbable than hundreds of psychic fantasies or farces for which there is really a good deal of evidence. He would be ready to entertain the idea if he found it anywhere except in the New Testament. As for the more vulgar and universal fashions that have followed after the Celtic movement, they have left such trifles far behind. And they have been directed not by imaginative artists like Mr. Yeats or even Mr. Moore, but by solid scientific students like Sir William Crookes and Sir Arthur Conan Doyle. I find it easier to imagine an evil spirit agitating the legs of a pig than a good spirit agitating the legs of a table. But I will not here enter into the argument, since I am only trying to describe the atmosphere. Whatever has happened in more recent years, what Huxley expected has certainly not happened. There has been a revolt against Christian morality, and where there has not been a return of Christian mysticism, it has been a return of the mysticism without the Christianity. Mysticism itself has returned, with all its moons and twilights, its talismans and spells. Mysticism itself has returned, and brought with it seven devils worse than itself.


But the scientific coincidence is even more strict and close. It affects not only the general question of miracles, but the particular question of possession. This is the very last element in the Christian story that would ever have been selected by the enlightened Christian apologist. Gladstone would defend it, but he would not go out of his way to dwell on it. It is an excellent working model of what I mean by finding an unexpected support, and finding it in an unexpected quarter. It is not theological but psychological study that has brought us back into this dark underworld of the soul, where even identity seems to dissolve or divide, and men are not even themselves. I do not say that psychologists admit the discovery of demoniacs; and if they did they would doubtless call them something else, such as demono-maniacs. But they admit things which seem almost as near to a new supernaturalism, and things quite as incredible to the old rationalism. Dual personality is not so very far from diabolic possession. And if the dogma of subconsciousness allows of agnosticism, the agnosticism cuts both ways. A man cannot say there is a part of him of which he is quite unconscious, and only conscious that it is not in contact with the unknown. He cannot say there is a sealed chamber or cellar under his house, of which he knows nothing whatever; but that he is quite certain that it cannot have an underground passage leading anywhere else in the world. He cannot say he knows nothing whatever about its size or shape or appearance, except that it certainly does not contain a relic of the finger-joint of St. Catherine of Alexandria, or that it certainly is not haunted by the ghost of King Herod Agrippa. If there is any sort of legend or tradition or plausible probability which says that it is, he cannot call a thing impossible where he is not only ignorant but even unconscious. It comes back therefore to the same reality, that the old compact cosmos depended on a compact consciousness. If we are dealing with unknown quantities, we cannot deny their connection with other unknown quantities. If I have a self of which I can say nothing, how can I even say that it is my own self? How can I even say that I always had it, or that it did not come from somewhere else? It is clear that we are in very deep waters, whether or no we have rushed down a steep place to fall into them.


It will be noted that what we really lack here is not the supernatural but only the healthy supernatural. It is not the miracle, but only the miracle of healing. I warmly sympathise with those who think most of this rather morbid, and nearer the diabolic than the divine, but to call a thing diabolic is hardly an argument against the existence of diabolism. It is still more clearly the case when we go outside the sphere of science into its penumbra in literature and conversation.


There is a mass of fiction and fashionable talk of which it may truly be said, that what we miss in it is not demons but the power to cast them out. It combines the occult with the obscene; the sensuality of materialism with the insanity of spiritualism. In the story of Gadara we have left out nothing except the Redeemer, we have kept the devils and the swine.

 

Wednesday, April 28, 2010

The morality of fairy-tales

If you really read the fairy-tales, you will observe that one idea runs from one end of them to the other—the idea that peace and happiness can only exist on some condition. This idea, which is the core of ethics, is the core of the nursery-tales. The whole happiness of fairyland hangs upon a thread, upon one thread. Cinderella may have a dress woven on supernatural looms and blazing with unearthly brilliance; but she must be back when the clock strikes twelve. The king may invite fairies to the christening, but he must invite all the fairies or frightful results will follow. Bluebeard's wife may open all doors but one. A promise is broken to a cat, and the whole world goes wrong. A promise is broken to a yellow dwarf, and the whole world goes wrong. A girl may be the bride of the God of Love himself if she never tries to see him; she sees him, and he vanishes away. A girl is given a box on condition she does not open it; she opens it, and all the evils of this world rush out at her. A man and woman are put in a garden on condition that they do not eat one fruit: they eat it, and lose their joy in all the fruits of the earth.


--G.K. Chesterton, "All Things Considered"

Friday, April 23, 2010

The plain-ness of it all

There is a series of little articles that G.K. Chesterton wrote bundled in the book All Things Considered. In the article "Patriotism and Sport," Chesterton writes:

But the real historic strength of England, physical and moral, has never had anything to do with this athletic specialism; it has been rather hindered by it. Somebody said that the Battle of Waterloo was won on Eton playing-fields. It was a particularly unfortunate remark, for the English contribution to the victory of Waterloo depended very much more than is common in victories upon the steadiness of the rank and file in an almost desperate situation. The Battle of Waterloo was won by the stubbornness of the common soldier—that is to say, it was won by the man who had never been to Eton. It was absurd to say that Waterloo was won on Eton cricket-fields. But it might have been fairly said that Waterloo was won on the village green, where clumsy boys played a very clumsy cricket. In a word, it was the average of the nation that was strong, and athletic glories do not indicate much about the average of a nation. Waterloo was not won by good cricket-players. But Waterloo was won by bad cricket-players, by a mass of men who had some minimum of athletic instincts and habits.

Chesterton often turns conventional wisdom on its head, and since today's conventional wisdom is typically only the wisdom of his day stretched out and taken to its logical (and oft times illogical) extremes, many of his insights are as insightful today as they were in his own time. It is fashionable today to bemoan the state of America - her politics, her job market, her "lost" liberties, her social inequality, her international reputation, her antiquated institutions, her professionalization of many aspects of society... the list can go on and on. In some ways, we are right to worry about these things, as constant evaluation of where you are helps with the mid-course corrections needed to get to where you are going. I think that, however, we sometimes lose sight of the winding road's long course for fear of the numerous potholes we are swerving to avoid. The state of the United States now looks a lot like Rome in its decline, they say.

For all I know, we might look a lot like Rome in decline. I wouldn't know; I never lived in Rome. But I have studied this country and lived with her people for almost four decades, and that experience does give me the ability to say a few things about the U.S. Americans are a hard-working, innovative people who are very engaged in their families and communities. States and the nation as a whole produce bright, energetic leaders and thinkers who work to make things better for the country. We know how to compromise to avoid extremes, and we have a uniquely American way of doing things. We've been stumbling about for over two hundred years, but somehow we continue to find a way to stumble forward.

By all rights, the United States should not be a great power - we are loosely organized and governed, we are not good at managing complex systems, we have multiple-layers of power and thousands of points of responsibility. Yet we have constantly risen to meet challenges that threaten us. Time and again, we have shown that we can come together and beat the odds. We reinvent ourselves and, somehow, end up on top - or at least among the leaders.

I attribute this to the grit of the average American. We live passionately and love our families, communities, and country, yet we fight constantly - among ourselves with words and too easily against other peoples with weapons. We believe in who we are, yet we find ways to treat each other as humans to tolerate dissent and conversation. We hate government, yet we continue to find creative ways to channel it to solve societal ills even as we turn around again to constrain and shackle it. We are full of paradox, yet we are guided by an everyday plain-ness, and average-ness, that is really not all that plain or average.

The United States is not perfect as a country. But Americans as a people are not Romans, and history does not repeat itself. At least not in the way most of the Talking Heads mean.

Wednesday, February 03, 2010

Interest against interest

"In the next place, there can scarcely be any other adequate security against encroachments upon the constitutional rights and liberties of the people. Algernon Sidney has said with great force, that the legislative power is always arbitrary, and not to be trusted in the hands of any, who are not bound to obey the laws they make. But it is not less true, that it has a constant tendency to overleap its proper boundaries, from passion, from ambition, from inadvertence, from the prevalence of faction, or from the overwhelming influence of private interests. Under such circumstances, the only effectual barrier against oppression, accidental or intentional, is to separate its operations, to balance interest against interest, ambition against ambition, the combinations and spirit of dominion of one body against the like combinations and spirit of another."
--Joseph Story, Commentaries on the Constitution, § 557

Wednesday, January 27, 2010

Hamilton on Civil liberty

"Civil liberty is only natural liberty, modified and secured by the sanctions of civil society. It is not a thing, in its own nature, precarious and dependent on human will and caprice."

--Alexander Hamilton
Notes: The Farmer Refuted [1775]

Monday, April 27, 2009

Voices from the Past

Extremism in the defense of liberty is no vice. And moderation in the pursuit of justice is no virtue.

- Barry Goldwater


Remember, ignoring torture for the sake of security is not a defense of liberty. And ignoring crimes committed by the previous administration, for the sake of not rocking a political boat, is not justice.

Wednesday, April 08, 2009

Bonhoeffer on Bush

Dietrich Bonhoeffer, in his writings published as "Letters and Papers From Prison", provides mankind with a strong statement on morality and the relationship between a citizen and the State. While Germany was under Hitler's grip, there were well educated men who understood that their duty was to follow orders, unlike Bonhoeffer who understood that to allow an evil to be committed was morally the same as to commit the evil yourself. We can't blame this divide on education or its lack. Otto Thorbeck, the judge over Bonhoeffer's trial, had the same classical education as Bonhoeffer; studying Antigone, Iliad, The Oddyssy, and The Bible. Works which provide guidance as to the meaning of good vs evil, justice, wisdom, and duty. If you don't believe in absolute good or evil, you could easily make the case that it is permissible to act in a normally unjust manner when the circumstances permit, that enacting the injustice on the orders of others does not sully ones own soul, or in other words sometimes it's ok to kill.

Bonhoeffer suffered the punishment of the State rather than acquiesce to the idea that the State is the arbiter of what is Absolutely Good or Absolutely Evil. If the State says that a prisoner is a traitor and needs to be sentenced to death, it isn't the individual's place to disagree. That is what Thorbeck believed, he was just doing his duty. Bonhoeffer didn't have to be imprisoned but faced certain persecution with the conviction that what Germany was doing was wrong and to not speak or act out would be equally wrong of him, a sin of omission.

So, what questions does this pose?

- Whose place is it to determine what is good or evil?
- Does a State have a soul? a conscience?
- If a State is soulless, upon whose soul falls the burden of evil acts done in the State name?
- If an action is evil when committed by an individual, can a State, on its own authority, declare that act to be just and legal when done in the State's name?
- When is it the duty of a Citizen to disobey the State?
- How should we feel about a society that allows the State to commit evil acts?

I expect to follow this piece with others where the lessons of various books that have made history can teach us about life in the modern age. Next would be Homer's Iliad.

Friday, March 20, 2009

Truth and Power

Politicians are afraid of the truth. Truth is an absolute, something which does not sway in the wind, something that can not be possessed or subverted to private purpose. Politicians deal in perception which can be manipulated, twisted, changed; used as a shield, e.g. "wrapping themselves in the flag" or as a weapon, e.g. "Saddam has WMDs" or McCarthyisms "Better dead than Red".

The most a politician can do with Truth is to reveal or conceal it which includes half-truths and such. Truth becomes like the rock upon which a lighthouse is built. We could tell a story about politicians and Truth.

A long time ago on a long forgotten coastline, there was a dangerous outcropping of rock near a small fishing village. Many ships, loaded with their catch bound for the sailors families, had been sunk coming back from their time at sea. The village can ill-afford building a lighthouse to warn sailors of the dangerous rocks but reject the notion of risking more ships on a known danger. And so the lighthouse is built. The people are proud of their accomplishment, they've made their world a better, safer place.

Nature, having setup the rocks as a deadly game of chance between incoming ships and the rocks, sees the completed lighthouse and feels thwarted by the puny men; cheated of the spoils of it's "game". Angry now, Nature decides to strike back against the hubris of men, sending rain, wind, and waves to batter the lighthouse, to blind the revealing light and tear down the tower that deigns to signal danger to the unwary. The lighthouse, being a product of man, cannot withstand the relentless attack of the elements and falls, its light no longer shining, its building no longer standing guard.

The rocks remain, ships continue to sink, the widows continue to weep, the people continue to lament their losses. Nature continues to enjoy the offerings of the village, safe in the knowledge that its capricious nature is again safe from the light of the truth.

To those who seek power, that which does not empower them further is an obstacle to further power whether by being a hindrance directly or by being a distraction indirectly; thus Truth which does not support is concealed to guard against being used as a weapon against the power-seeker. Perception is the currency of power and a people distracted by a tangential Truth is a threat to those to covet the power of crowds willing to believe and follow. The lighthouse is not the Truth but only the marker of it. Nature may be able to destroy the marker but the rocks, like the Truth, remain.

Monday, July 07, 2008

Thought of the day: Mountain tops and politics


I think this is why the American founding fathers intended the public to elect representatives, and for those representatives to head off somewhere somewhat removed from the public eye to debate and make decisions. Because if the public had instant access to all the discussion and debate it would be a mess and they’d never get past the intellectual equivalent of a bumper sticker.
--Greg Krehbiel, Crowhill blog

Friday, May 25, 2007

Legislation is...

Revision 2:
Laws define the borders that society has staked around its principles. If mores were cattle, legislation is the fence that protects them from the untamed wild.

Revision 1:
Laws define the borders that society has staked around its principles. If mores were cattle, legislation is the fence that limits their range.

Original:
Legislation is the embodiment of the borders society has staked around is principles. If moors were cattle, legislation is the fence that defines the limits of their range.
--Kelly French